Showing posts with label Democracy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Democracy. Show all posts

Saturday, September 4, 2010

Obama's Ridiculous Mid-East Summit


Weekend Edition
September 3 - 5, 2010

CounterPunch Diary

By ALEXANDER COCKBURN


It has been impossible to read the agenda for the Oval Office summit between Obama, Netanyahu and Abbas without laughing out loud at the absurdity of its pretensions.  The American plan was that President Obama would inform Israeli PM Binyamin Netanyahu and Mahmoud Abbas, representing the  Palestinian Authority, that this is make-or -break time for a peaceful settlement. The US wants an agreement within a year, with the stipulations in this agreement to be phased in over a decade.

Thursday, June 24, 2010

Echoes From The Warsaw Ghetto In Gaza


An Interview with Cecilie Surasky 
by Christiana Voniati
19 June, 2010
Countercurrents.org
Gazing at letters that her grandmother wrote from the Warsaw Ghetto before she was killed , Deputy Director of the global organization “Jewish Voice for Peace”, Cecilie Surasky, discusses Israel's “anti-Jewish” crimes and the inescapable comparison between the sufferings of Gazans and the gradual crushing of Jewish life in the Nazi ghettos in the period that led to the Final Solution . More significantly, the Jewish activist for peace reveals and explores the relationship between Jewish collective trauma and Israel 's aggression.

Tuesday, June 22, 2010

Targeted for protesting Israel


Brian Napoletano reports on an attempt by the University of California Irvine to punish all Muslim students after a protest against a defender of Israel's war crimes.

A UC Irvine student is escorted from a lecture hall after a protest against Israeli Ambassador Michael OrenA UC Irvine student is escorted from a lecture hall after a protest against Israeli Ambassador Michael Oren
ACTIVISTS ARE outraged after administrators at the University California (UC) Irvine announced plans to suspend the Muslim Student Union (MSU) for a whole year starting in September. What did they do wrong? Students protested Israel's ambassador to the U.S. Michael Oren.

Saturday, June 5, 2010

The Right to Exist: Who Has It? Where Is It? Why?


Does Israel Have a “Right to Exist”? Do We?


It’s a shibboleth of the Zionist entity: “Israel has the right to exist!”
But what is this “Israel”?  What is this “right to exist”?
Where is it written?  Is it in Holy Scripture?  “The Song of Songs”?  “The Book of Job”?  “Proverbs”?  “Ecclesiastes”? 
Is it written in stone on two tablets by the finger of God?

Friday, June 4, 2010

You will have no protection

Alice Walker, The Electronic Intifada, 4 June 2010 


What would that look like, be like, today, in this situation between Palestine and Israel? This "impasse" that has dragged on for decades. This "conflict" that would have ended in a week if humanity as a whole had acted in defense of justice everywhere on the globe. Which maybe we are learning! It would look like the granddaughter of Rosa Parks, the grandson of Martin Luther King. It would look like spending our money only where we can spend our lives in peace and happiness; freely sharing whatever we have with our friends.
• • •

The urgency of this moment

Radhika Sainath, The Electronic Intifada, 3 June 2010




When evidence emerged that a North Korean torpedo sank a South Korean warship in disputed waters two months ago, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton strongly condemned the attack. Clinton demanded that Pyongyang "stop its provocative behavior, halt its policy of threats of belligerence towards its neighbors, and take irreversible steps to fulfill its denuclearization commitments and comply with international law."



Protesters take to the streets in New York City one day after Israel's raid on the Freedom Flotilla.



Wednesday, June 2, 2010

Women of Colour call on Joan Armatrading not to play Apartheid Israel



Women of Colour in the Global Women's Strike
Crossroads Women's Centre     230A Kentish Town Road     London NW5 2AB
Tel: 44 (0)20 7482 2496   womenofcolour@allwomencount.net
 www.globalwomenstrike.net



We call on Joan Armatrading, as a woman of colour who wrote a tribute to and performed for Nelson Mandela, and whose website says, “South Africa has always been close to my heart”, not to play Israel.   As we write, people are gathering worldwide, thousands in London alone, to protest the Israeli piracy and murder of at least 20 unarmed people taking part in a humanitarian mission bringing aid to blockaded Gaza. 

These unprovoked killings are the latest in a long line of atrocities by Israel, which has shown itself to be one of the most violent and racist regimes on the planet.  Archbishop Desmond Tutu – a leading proponent of boycott, divestment and sanctions against Israel – has written:

“I have been to the Occupied Palestinian Territory . . . I have witnessed the humiliation of Palestinian men, women, and children . . . and this humiliation is familiar to me and the many black South Africans who were corralled and regularly insulted by the security forces of the Apartheid government.”

Palestinian people have been dispossessed and their lands occupied; they have been walled in, imprisoned, starved and bombed by Israel.  Israel is still building the apartheid wall inside the occupied West Bank, separating families, dividing farms, villages and towns, and starving Gazans, in addition to building Jewish-only settlements and Jewish-only roads on Palestinians’ land.

Palestinian women have borne much of the brunt of this violence – including at security checkpoints, in prisons, and trying to fight for and protect their imprisoned young children.   In their day-to-day work in the family and in the fields they have kept communities together in the face of poverty, hunger, injury and death – enabling communities to resist, despite intimidation and corruption, and to oppose expulsion from their homes and land.  Women’s survival work is thus the backbone of resistance.

Palestinian people have called for our support against genocide and occupation. This includes a boycott of goods, culture, and education – everything that empowers and promotes the Israeli state against them – and us. 

Gill Scott-Heron and Elvis Costello very recently pulled out of concerts there, in recognition of the struggle of Palestinian people and their refusal to be used to undermine it.  Costello said:

"There are occasions when merely having your name added to a concert schedule may be interpreted as a political act that resonates more than anything that might be sung and it may be assumed that one has no mind for the suffering of the innocent."

Nothing you can say would justify your playing in Israel.

UK’s Massive Attack is among the increasing number of groups which respect the boycott, refusing to play Israel no matter what blood money the Israelis offer.  They understand that going there lends credibility to Israel’s occupation and genocide, and would permanently stain their artistic reputations. Multi-racial demonstrations – by Palestinian and Israeli, Afro-American, Indian and European people – held in many UK cities are supporting and reinforcing the cultural boycott.

People may think what happens in Palestine is out of sight or off the grid, but the eyes of the world are watching, and many voices in many languages cry out in protest.

Your concert planned for June 5th is the anniversary of the beginning of the so-called Six-Day War in 1967 when Israel occupied the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem, the Golan Heights, and the Sinai desert, and ethnically cleansed thousands of Palestinian people from the West Bank.  For many it was a second expulsion – in 1948 over half the Palestinian population had been expelled from their own cities and villages.  This makes it even more crucial that you pull back from this disastrous step.  We urge you to consider thepowerful statement by PACBI.

Your proposed concert is also scheduled a year and half after the horrendous and brutal punishment bombing of Gaza where over 1400 women, children and men lost their lives, and thousands of homes, schools and hospitals were destroyed.  Support for Palestinian people has never been more urgent or more vital for the entire anti-racist struggle to establish that we humans are all entitled to the compassion and support of others.  Those of us who have also suffered racism have a special responsibility to demonstrate support and compassion to people of colour whose lives are on the line.

Sister: don’t turn your back on fellow sufferers; and don’t force your loyal fans to turn their backs on you.  Don’t help Israel whitewash its atrocities.  Use your status as president of the ‘Women of the Year Lunch’ and as a world-famous singer-songwriter to take a stand with Palestinian sisters and brothers and with all of us fighting for justice.

We are with the many thousands outside the UK Parliament chanting: “In our thousands, in our millions, we are all Palestinians.”

Please help us get the word out: circulate this widely in your networks and ask your group or organisation to endorse it. 

Write to Joan Armatrading at:

Write to her record label:
http://www.429records.com/sites/429records/contact.asp
Phone: 
Santa Monica, CA, USA: 310-451-0451

Monday, May 24, 2010

Rampant employment discrimination against Palestinian workers in Israel

Jonathan Cook, The Electronic Intifada, 21 May 2010

Unemployed computer engineer Morad Lashin would like to work in Israel's Electricity Company, a large state utility, but admits his chances of being recruited are slim.

The reasons were set out in graphic form this month when a parliamentary committee revealed that only 1.3 percent of the company's 12,000 workers are Arab, despite the Palestinian Arab minority constituting nearly 20 percent of the population.

The committee's report presents a picture of massive under-representation of Arab citizens across most of the public sector, including in government companies and ministries, where the percentage of Arab staff typically falls below two percent of employees.

According to Sikkuy, a group lobbying for greater civic equality, discriminatory hiring policies have left thousands of Arab graduates jobless, even though the government promised affirmative action a decade ago.

Lashin, 30, from Nazareth, said his remaining hope was to find a job in the public sector after a series of short-term contracts in private hi-tech firms. "Everywhere you go, they ask if you have served in the army. Because Arab citizens are exempt, the good jobs are always reserved for Jews."

Ali Haider, a co-director of Sikkuy, said: "What kind of example is set for the Israeli private sector when the government consistently finds excuses not to employ Arab citizens too?"

Ahmed Tibi, who heads the parliamentary committee on Arab employment in the public sector, said that even when government bodies appointed Arabs it was invariably in lowly positions. "The absence of Arabs in [senior] roles means that they have no say in the ministries' decision-making processes," he said.

The issue of under-representation in Israel's public sector was first acknowledged by officials in 2000, when the Fair Representation Law was passed under pressure from Arab political parties.

However, no target was set for the proportion of Arab employees until 2004, when the government agreed that within four years Arabs should comprise 10 percent of all staff in ministries, state bodies and on the boards of hundreds of government companies. Later the deadline was extended to 2012.

The new report found that overall six percent of the country's 57,000 public sector workers were Arab, only marginally higher than a decade ago.

But Tibi noted that the figures were substantially boosted by the large number of "counter staff" in the interior, welfare, health and education ministries employed to provide basic services inside Arab communities.

On publication of the report this month, Avishai Braverman, the minorities minister, admitted there was no hope of reaching even the delayed target. He criticized his own government for not setting its sights higher, at 20 percent representation.

The committee's findings, said Tibi, showed officials had systematically broken their promises on fair representation. He noted that even in the parliament itself there were only six Arab workers out of 439, or 1.6 percent. "What does it say that in the temple of Israeli democracy there is such rank discrimination?"

Similar percentages were found in key government departments, including the prime minister's office, the foreign ministry, the treasury, the housing ministry and the trade and industry ministry, as well as such state agencies as the Bank of Israel, the Land Administration and the Water Authority.

The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, to which Israel acceded last week, reported last year that 15,000 Arab graduates were either unemployed or forced into work outside their professions, often as teachers.

Tibi said he was particularly concerned that there were no Arabs in key roles inside government ministries. "Not by chance are there no senior Arab civil servants, no deputy directors in the ministries, no legal advisers," he said.

He said the absence of Arab policy-makers was reflected in the lack of public services and resources made available to Arab communities. Poverty among Arab families is three times higher than among Jewish families.

Yousef Jabareen, director of the Dirasat policy centre in Nazareth, said increased recruitment of Arab workers by the government could solve at a stroke two urgent problems: the large pool of Arab graduates who could not find work, and the community's lack of influence on national policy.

He added that discrimination against Arabs was "built into the institutional structure of a Jewish state."

The report was received with hostility by some MPs. Yariv Levin, chairman of the parliament's House Committee and a member of prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu's Likud party, said the report was "delusional and ignores the fundamental fact that a significant portion of Israel's Arabs are disloyal to the state."

Saleem Marna, 37, who graduated as an information systems engineer 10 years ago from the prestigious Technion University in Haifa, said he had given up hope of finding regular work in either the private or public sectors.

Married with four children, he said he had applied to emigrate to Canada. "I am hopeful that being an Arab won't count against me there."

Hatim Kanaaneh, a Harvard-educated doctor who worked as one of the few senior Arab officials in the Israeli health ministry until his resignation in the early 1990s, documented the many battles he faced in the government bureaucracy in his recent book Doctor in Galilee.

Kanaaneh said no Arab had ever risen above the position of sub-district physician he held two decades ago. Although the health ministry had the largest number of Arab employees of any ministry, he said none had ever been appointed to a policy-making position.

"In fact, people in the ministry tell me things have gone backwards under recent right-wing governments."

He added that the lack of Arab policy-makers in government had concrete consequences that damaged the Arab community. When he worked in the health ministry, he noted, the Arab infant mortality rate was twice that of the Jewish population. Two decades later the ratio of Arab to Jewish infant deaths, rather than declining, had increased by a further 25 percent.

The prejudice faced by educated Arabs seeking employment was highlighted by a survey last November. It found that 83 percent of Israeli businesses in the main professions admitted being opposed to hiring Arab graduates.

Yossi Coten, director of a training program in Nazareth, said of 84,000 jobs in the country's hi-tech industries, only 500 were filled by Arab engineers.

Jonathan Cook is a writer and journalist based in Nazareth, Israel. His latest books are Israel and the Clash of Civilisations: Iraq, Iran and the Plan to Remake the Middle East (Pluto Press) and Disappearing Palestine: Israel's Experiments in Human Despair (Zed Books). His website is www.jkcook.net.

A version of this article originally appeared in 
The National, published in Abu Dhabi.

Friday, May 21, 2010

Gonna Still Be Quoting Emerson When They Lock Me Up


(Israel/Palestine, May 2010)—When I first came to Israel from New York nearly half a century ago, a youngster in search of my “Jewish roots,” the scariest thing to deal with here was the occasional hot war with the neighbors. But teenagers think they are immortal, so it seemed like no big deal, apart from all the guys who didn’t come back and their shattered families who would never be the same. The suffering and despair of the folks on the other side were barely even blips on my radar back then. 

Today Israel is a much more frightening place, while I am more or less the same person I was when I first got here, except older: still clinging stubbornly to the basic worldview I acquired as a child in the public schools of suburban Westchester County, New York. One person, one vote; equality under the law for all; due process; habeas corpus; no taxation without representation—all that good old revolutionary stuff, however imperfectly implemented. Meanwhile, too many Jews who immigrated here from Western democracies, subsequently traumatized by the seeming intractability of “the situation,” have been pushed or pulled in the Israeli context away from that worldview, toward a hard-edged Jewish supremacist mentality that to me feels—I can’t help it—completely un-American. Few of them, I would guess, stop to ponder how far they have strayed from the pluralist credo they once lived by. Deep down, they must be aware that Israel has gradually found itself morphing into a dark caricature of its original idea of itself, foredoomed by its displacement and exclusion of anyone “not us”: a tragedy for everyone concerned. Mainstream Israelis are clueless, hostile and defensive: Why is everyone picking on us? Circling the wagons and digging in can seem very logical, but it leads nowhere. 

Very few Israelis can envision any alternative shared future for Israeli Jews and Palestinians that would not soon swallow up the Jewish collective national-cultural presence in a Palestinian-Muslim-majority country. This poverty of the imagination insures that any and every Palestinian or other Arab expression of a readiness to live together will seem like a trick to seize the mantle of control over the whole enchilada, pure and simple. To Israeli Jews, the other side’s most forthcoming offer ( the 2002 Saudi-sponsored Arab peace initiative endorsed by the Arab League in 2007) looks like a Trojan horse, period. We’ll let down our guard and they’ll move in and take over, is what most Israelis seem to expect, and this bitter expectation could easily become self-fulfilling unless there is a transformational course correction. All of that, of course, is only an explanation, not an excuse. 

Meantime, after successive Israeli governments have invested huge resources in promoting fractures in Palestinian civil society along religious, political, and ideological fault lines, in a classic but misguided attempt to stay safe by confusing the opposition, the other side is in terrible disarray. It’s a real mess, but at least it’s our shared mess. Or as the mystics say, the problem is also the solution. 

In the last decades I’ve been privileged to make friends with a goodly number of Palestinians—mostly but not exclusively middle class professionals like me, people with similar interests and enthusiasms . . . and with their children. After a certain amount of ordinary social and vocational interaction with “them,” you come to realize that war is really stupid because the other folks are just like us in every way that matters, while different enough to provide a valuable opportunity for mutual learning and discovery. Even before the walls and the checkpoints, during the years when the barriers were mainly psychological rather than physical, most people here were too afraid to venture into close personal contact with “them” (and vice versa), so they never discovered what they were missing. 

*       *       * 

Back in my college years in Manhattan circa 1970, the progressives’ push for “one secular democratic state in all of Palestine” struck me as a cynical strategy dreamed up by “the Arabs” to take back, from the brave pioneering embattled Jews of Israel, the new homeland they’d won for themselves at such great cost. The post-1948 “Arab boycott” of Israel seemed viciously unfair and prejudiced and cruel. How dare they try to steal back what we won fair and square in a good old-fashioned war? Today all that looks very different to me. Astonishingly different. 

One state? Two states? Parallel states? The galloping fascism in Israel’s legislature and in its public discourse nowadays; the erosion of civil liberties in Gaza; the prevailing Israeli preference for nation-building by continually importing more of “us” and relentlessly hounding (instead of making common cause with) “them”; rampant corruption in high places on both sides—all this certainly suggests that the road we are on is unsustainable. Today, one secular democratic state for all its citizens sounds quite attractive by comparison to what we have now. And those are only the old ideas; consider the newer ones: Numerous forward- looking blueprints that propose neither one state nor two states, but a more creative third way, are available on the web; for one example among many, see my “ Parallel Sovereignty ” essay (2002) or a subsequent restatement, “ Calling All Semites ” (2006). Many other people in different fields have been writing independently about similar proposals as these new paradigms proliferate and are shared around, elaborated and tweaked. Just recently (April 2010) there was aneloquent new call  for parallel states in the Christian Science Monitor, by two authors with truly impressive international credentials. A summary of dozens of other creative approaches makes interesting reading, as in this 2008 paper by Howard Cort . 

Boycott? As my Palestinian friends in the West Bank and Gaza sink deeper into depression, watching their lives ticking away without the chance to give their kids (never mind themselves) a wholly free and dignified place in the sun, the Palestinian-led BDS movement   for boycott, divestment, and sanctions doesn’t look to me like a nefarious “Arab plot” anymore. Now, with international energy behind it, it seems like the last best hope—both for Israelis and for Palestinians. Maybe the BDS campaign will really develop enough heft to counter Israel’s overwhelming military advantage, by upping the economic and social cost of self-defeating supremacist-separatist policies . . . until even total equality for Palestinians might begin to seem like the less scary alternative! 

Deciding to endorse BDS was not something I have come to out of hatred for Israel, despite what the talkbacks will say. I live here, after all; I’d like to see this country get a life. Everything else has already been tried, and my friend Sam and his family are still locked up in Al Bireh and my friend Maha and her family are still locked up in Gaza City and I cannot, in good conscience, sit here in my pleasant little village near Jerusalem in silence and play it safe while they and millions of other Palestinians sit in their respective cages. I’m not an ideologue and I can’t say I much like the basic idea of boycotts: they are nonviolent but they run on a kind of negative energy (don’t buy, don’t sell, don’t invest, don’t visit . . . ). On the other hand, the relentless, intensifying dehumanization of people I love and respect would seem to leave me no choice. Inaction is not an option. 

Note that the BDS strategy targets, not Israel itself or Israelis as such, but rather Israeli transgressions of international law and the Israeli authorities and institutions that drive those transgressions and the Israeli cultural icons who refrain from denouncing them and the Israeli universities that cooperate with them. As a law-abiding Israeli, I am not in favor of Israel’s (or anyone’s) transgressions of international law and therefore I must not support them with my silence. When I realized that the only thing still keeping me from publicly and prominently endorsing BDS was my fear of punishment (losing friends, losing a job, losing my personal freedom if the BDS activism here is finally, thoroughly, criminalized), I understood that it was time to speak out. 

*       *       * 

As Israel’s dissidents and human rights activists are targeted by the authorities while freedom of thought is likened to treason; as ultra-nationalists dictate the public agenda and ultra- fundamentalist “religious” Jews attack the civil freedoms of ordinary Israelis; as ultra- xenophobic legislators work to eject African and Asian migrants, even their Israeli-born children who might dilute the brand; as new bills are crafted in the Knesset outlawing any Israeli organization that calls on international tribunals to try suspected war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly committed by Israel’s government or armed forces; as most of my old Anglo friends turn their backs on our shared heritage of pluralism and civil rights, their terror of “the Arabs” blinding them to the reality that, however painful the cost of a paradigm change for Israelis, nonetheless Palestinians are equally entitled to freedom and justice; as people I’ve known all my life seem to have forgotten that human rights are either universal or they are meaningless—I sat down one day and asked myself this question: What happened in the last 40 years that could account for the difference between the way I saw reality in New York in 1970 and the way I see it here, now? 

The answer was not long in coming and it is not complicated. This is what happened: Unlike most of my old friends here or abroad, I found ways to get to know ordinary Palestinians personally, face to face: by living among Palestinian folks in Palestinian towns in Israel, first as a community service volunteer on assignment, and more recently as just an ordinary tenant renting an apartment in a Muslim village; by engaging socially with Palestinian friends and neighbors and inviting them to my home and being welcomed into their homes, where I have played with their children and watched TV with them and cooked and baked with them and broken bread with them; by working with Palestinian professionals as equals, in joint Jewish-Palestinian social-change organizations and in Palestinian Arab civic organizations; by exchanging jokes and book reviews and birthday cards with Palestinian friends by email; by informally “adopting” a few forty-something Palestinian friends from the West Bank and Gaza who are the age my biological children would be today if I hadn’t waited so long to have kids; by listening as my Palestinian friends share their hopes and dreams and troubles and aspirations and frustrations. That’s the difference. 

I learned soon enough that Palestinians are not the faceless, anonymous, scary “Arabs” I was led to fear in my youth. I know they are not the enemy. I know they are not dispensable. They are us, and we are them. I will go to jail, if necessary, rather than sit here passively while their lives are further blighted and more generations of children are cheated, on both sides. I know that our basic civic, economic and environmental burdens must be shared and that there is no way to shoulder them alone. We will prosper together or we will sink together—not driven by philosophy or ideology, but because nothing else works. The simple, empirical, pragmatic outcome of getting to know the other side personally is that I discovered that I am them and they are me. Now I know. That’s why the old-fashioned approach—Rule by Testosterone—just doesn’t make sense any more. It can’t take us to a secure shared future for All Our Children, because the admission tickets to that future are sold only in pairs: us and them, together. Emerson knew. He said: The only way to have a friend is to be one. 

Deb Reich ( debmail@alum.barnard.edu ) is a writer and translator in Israel/Palestine. 

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